论文代写：贫民窑城市管理

的。尽管在孟买、上海、新德里、雅加达等许多亚洲城市都有相当大的发展，但仍存在一个问题，即城市贫民窟问题没有得到解决(Banerjee & Chakrabarti,2013)。这是因为，在周期性经济复苏和社会住房资金缺乏一致性的情况下，城市中心的人口流入正变得越来越难以承受。一旦一套贫民窟被提供一所房子，它就会出现一个新的贫民窟，一个新的问题，就是通过补贴或税收来为他们的发展安排资金。例如，孟买政府报告说，在2001年的人口普查中，有大约一半的孟买人口生活在贫民窟中，47%的人居住在私人土地上，42%的人居住在公共土地上，10%的人居住在其他土地上，1%的人居住在铁路上(“孟买城市发展计划2005 – 2025”，2005年)。10年之后，同样的数字上升到62%，这是2001年人口普查(Jain,2010)的一个重要延伸。这本身就说明了一个令人沮丧的情况:尽管全球化和自由政策显示出了最好的希望，但容纳贫民窟的城市结构仍然管理不善，缺乏积极的政策措施。banerjee – guha(2010)认为，贫民窟居民的状况总是缺乏一个合理可接受的卫生生活的最低限度。

论文代写：贫民窑城市管理

Although there has been sizeable development in many Asian cities like Mumbai, Shanghai, New Delhi, Jakarta, etc., it remains an ever constant problem of having the problem of urban slums as unresolved (Banerjee & Chakrabarti, 2013). This is because population influx is becoming increasingly unaffordable for the urban centres to manage in the wake of a cyclical economy and lack of consistency in funds for social housing. As soon as one set of slums are afforded a house, it emerges a new slum and a new question of arranging funds for their development through subsidies or taxes. For example, Mumbai government reported that in the census study in 2001, it emerged that about half of Mumbai’s population lives in slums, 47% of which are situated on private land, 42% on public lands, 10% on other lands and 1% on railway land (“Mumbai city development plan 2005-2025”, 2005). The same figure 10 years later went up to 62%, which is a significant extension from the 2001 census (Jain, 2010). This itself indicates the dismal case of how despite the best of hopes shown by globalization and liberal policies, accommodating slums into the urban fabric remains ill-managed and devoid of proactive policy measures. Banerjee-Guha (2010) argued that the condition of slum dwellers is always deficient of the minimum threshold of a reasonably acceptable hygienic life.